An interesting work, Ambiguities of Domination: Politics, Rhetoric, and Symbols in Contemporary Syria by Lisa Wedeen has stood the test of academic time. Originally published in 1999 then again in 2015, Wedeen’s work provides continual insight into everyday forms of power negotiations between nation states’ rulers and the ruled. Written over five chapters utilizing ethnographic techniques as well as a historical construction lens, Wedeen breaks down the personality cult that surrounds Syrian President Hafiz al-Asad.
In this breakdown, the author speaks to the state propaganda showing al-Asad as savior and father of the state and nation. These materials include newspaper editorials, billboards, and orchestrated public assemblies, all of which demonstrate how the state compels its citizens to participate as if they in fact revere the rituals. From there Wedeen goes on to demonstrate the complexities and agency in the everyday compliant non-compliance. The author illustrates this through the citizenry’s use of the cult’s symbols and propaganda in everyday television, jokes, and film thereby allowing the citizenry to subvert the cult’s power and turn the absurdity of Syrian life back onto the cult. Ultimately Wedeen concludes that the politics, rhetoric, and symbols built into the cult of al-Asad position this form of authoritarianism quite differently from past cults of personality and authoritarian regimes. Wedeen further concludes that Al-Asad’s cult takes on this different form due to the post-colonial context where the process of nation-building and state-building occur at the same time thus allowing the citizenry breathing room to interact, challenge, and enable the system.
Overall the work produces a compelling theory while keeping the Syrian context at the forefront. The biggest strength of this work comes from Wedeen’s ability to explain the political science theory she draws from while building her own. It speaks to the interesting combination of audience members for whom this work would attract. From scholars of contemporary Syria, scholars of power, scholars of authoritarian regimes, scholars of democratic regimes, and scholars of politics in general, many will find this work valuable. The theory within while specific to al-Assad’s Syria does leave room to be utilized in comparative analysis and across disciplines. Moreover, Wedeen acknowledges that she wants her theories challenged and utilized to move the field forward towards a better understanding of the modern nation-state no matter its authoritarian or democratic leanings.
Upheld by its multiple strengths, this work still has many weaknesses. Some weaknesses could be attributed to the publisher. For example, the referenced figures end up grouped together at the end of chapter four. This leaves the reader the irritable job of flipping between the reference and the figure itself. Additionally, though the author does an excellent job of explaining the theory she utilizes (and in some instances rebuffs), the reader might find themselves lost as Wedeen’s weaving between theory and example does not always balance as it should. There is no context for the reader to fall back on. Likewise, the author’s “conclusion,” Chapter 5: Complicating Compliance, becomes speculative as the author wonders what will tip the studied rhetorical disobedience into overt rebellion. Additionally, there are many topics and people this work leaves out, from gender to sectarianism to rural forms of rebellion. It also leaves the question of just who is she interviewing. It is understandable that the sources must remain anonymous however by having all the descriptions of Syria reference cities one can tell that Weeden utilized a limited pool of sources. The work thus comes off as generalizing the people of Syria.
Nonetheless, the theoretical framework Wedeen proposes has its merit and should be experimented with further. As such, while the work on Syria 20+ years later does not stand the test of academic time, the theory does.